Somalia does not need another round of speeches about patriotism. People have listened to promises for years. They have watched governments change, alliances collapse and officials leave office only to return under new titles. Meanwhile, the ordinary citizen still asks for security, schools, healthcare, jobs and a public institution that treats people with dignity when they come seeking help.
It is only fair to recognize the progress made in rebuilding some state institutions and foreign relationships despite serious political and security challenges. But acknowledging that progress does not remove a difficult question: why does daily life for so many people remain so far removed from the official language of development and stability?
Politics is not a competition for offices. An embassy is not a prize for backing the right political faction. Public office is a responsibility, and those entrusted with it should expect to be asked: What have you accomplished? How was public money spent? Who benefited from your service?
A state caught in political competition
At times, disputes involving the federal government, the opposition and some federal member states overshadow the issues people confront every day. Political debates revolve around timetables, powers and alliances. A child in need of a classroom cannot wait for a constitutional disagreement to be resolved, however; neither can a patient put off medical treatment until political leaders reach an agreement.
Yet blaming one side for every failure is not serious analysis. The government must account for its decisions and administration. The opposition has a responsibility to offer practical alternatives and scrutinize government action without turning political disagreements into hostility toward state institutions. Federal member states also have responsibilities to deliver services and cooperate within shared institutions. Citizens should not become hostages to that competition.
The ambassador: representative of a state or holder of a privilege?
The questions become sharper when we consider how Somalia is represented abroad. How are diplomatic leaders selected? What qualifications matter? And who measures an embassy's work once the building is opened and the national flag is raised?
Article 3 of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations sets out the functions of a diplomatic mission. They include representing the sending state, protecting its interests and those of its nationals, negotiating with the receiving state, and developing economic, cultural and scientific relations. Somalia joined the convention on 29 March 1968. These duties extend far beyond official receptions and photographs.
An ambassador does not represent the president as a private individual, a particular governing team or a political faction. An ambassador represents the Somali state and its interests, including the interests of citizens who disagree with the government of the day. People therefore deserve a clear way to evaluate consular services, lodge complaints and find accurate information about fees and procedures.
Citizens also have the right to question statements made by officials who represent their country abroad. If documented remarks show that a diplomat explicitly disavows the state he or she is appointed to represent, or acts contrary to official obligations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should explain its position. But disagreement with a government must not be confused with rejection of one's country. Political dissent does not erase national belonging.
What did official audits find about embassies?
Here we can move beyond questions to a publicly available document. In September 2023, the Office of the Auditor General of the Federal Republic of Somalia published a special audit concerning Somali embassies in Kenya, Türkiye and Germany for the 2022 financial year.
The office's official summary reported approximately three million US dollars in revenue collected by the audited missions but not deposited into the Treasury Single Account. It also recorded cash collections with limited transparency, weaknesses in financial planning, and recruitment cases that the auditors said did not meet foreign-service requirements.
These are audit findings about a defined historical period. They do not, on their own, prove that any named ambassador stole funds or that the same shortcomings persist in October 2026. Assessing particular financial procedures may also require reviewing the missions' responses and their operational circumstances. Nevertheless, the findings raise a legitimate question for both government and parliament: what corrective actions followed, and were the Auditor General's recommendations implemented?
Transparency is not merely publishing an audit. It means showing what changed after the audit. A recommendation filed away without follow-up does little to build public trust.
When diplomacy becomes entangled with private brokerage
There is an important distinction between economic diplomacy and personal commercial activity. An embassy can legitimately help open markets, encourage investment and establish lawful contacts between institutions and companies. Using diplomatic status to obtain a private commission or arrange transactions for personal gain, if established by evidence, is a very different matter.
Article 42 of the Vienna Convention prohibits a diplomatic agent from practising a professional or commercial activity for personal profit in the receiving state. An embassy should not become a network of private connections through which an official or close associates benefit.
But calling a particular official a 'broker' or accusing someone of taking commissions requires more than rumour or political hostility. Allegations about payments and financial interests need verifiable contracts, records, testimony and independent investigation, with a fair opportunity for those accused to respond. Justice does not mean concealing wrongdoing; nor does it mean pronouncing someone guilty before evidence is examined.
The constructive questions are these: are conflicts of interest disclosed? Is official trade promotion clearly separated from an employee's private dealings? Where can a citizen or investor complain if someone demands an undisclosed payment outside the official fee schedule?
Qualifications should matter more than political connections
No country can build an effective foreign service by setting aside expertise and experience. Diplomacy calls for people who understand law and the host country's economy, can negotiate effectively and can deliver respectful public services.
When an oversight body identifies appointments that did not meet established requirements, the response should not simply be another exchange of partisan accusations. Appointment criteria should be publicly available, consistently applied and linked to regular assessments of performance.
The issue extends far beyond embassies. Each time personal connections take precedence over competence in a public institution, the message to young people is that education, merit and honest work may not be enough to earn a fair opportunity.
Corruption cannot be addressed through slogans
Somalia scored nine out of 100 on Transparency International's 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The index measures perceptions of public-sector corruption; it is not a court judgment on individual officials, nor evidence that all public servants have committed crimes. It nevertheless reflects the scale of the challenge in building public confidence in state institutions.
Conferences and statements are not sufficient responses. Public budgets, clearly posted service fees, reviewable contracts, independent audits and a justice system capable of holding officials accountable are necessary. Rules matter only when they are applied.
Who is this article for?
This is not an article written to defend the government or to serve the opposition. It is an invitation to public discussion in which citizens, officials, journalists and researchers can respond with documents and reasoned arguments rather than insults or unsupported accusations.
Somalia has dedicated public servants and diplomats, enterprising young people and business owners who ask for little more than a fair chance. Condemning them all would be unfair. Ignoring documented failures would be unfair too. The aim should be institutions worthy of trust because they are open to scrutiny and deliver effective services.
The country needs more than officials who speak eloquently in its name. It needs institutions that make public service a duty whose results can be measured. Anyone representing Somalia should serve it. Anyone managing its money should be able to explain how it was used. Anyone holding public office should accept accountability.
Somalia is not a privately owned company. An embassy is not a brokerage office. The state is bigger than the individuals who hold its offices today.
Sources and references
Office of the Auditor General of Somalia, special audit reports including the review of embassies in Kenya, Türkiye and Germany for financial year 2022: https://oag.gov.so/special-audit-reports/
Official summary of the audit findings: https://oag.gov.so/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Summary%202023.pdf
United Nations, 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, Articles 3 and 42: https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/9_1_1961.pdf
United Nations treaty record of Somalia's accession on 29 March 1968: https://treaties.un.org/Pages/showActionDetails.aspx?clang=_en&objid=080000028017882d
Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2025: https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2025
Editorial note: This is an opinion and analysis article. Audit findings cited here concern financial year 2022 and should not be mistaken for current criminal findings against specific individuals.